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작성일 : 09-06-21 20:06
President Obama's Cairo University Speech on June 4, 2009
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   http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=104923292 [4513]
   http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=104891406 [4086]

최근의 명연설로 꼽히는 Barack Obama 미대통령의 Cairo 대학 연설입니다. 전문은 NPR (National Public Radio)에서 발췌하였습니다.
 Link #1은 연설 전문, Link#2는 NPR 관련 기사이며 연설의 육성 녹음을 첨부하려고 했는데 file size가 커서 (약 20MB) 올라가지 않는군요. Link #2를 따라가시면 MP3 file을 download 할 수 있습니다. 영어공부 하시는데(reading & hearing) 도움이 될 것입니다.

(연설 전문과 MP3 file은 백악관에서 배포하는 것으로 copy right에 문제가 없는 것으로 알고 있습니다.)

Thank you very much. Good afternoon. I am honored to be in the timeless city
of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a
thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and
for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's
advancement. And together, you represent the harmony between tradition
and progress. I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of
the people of Egypt. And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill
of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities
in my country: Assalaamu alaykum. (Applause.)

We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and
Muslims around the world — tension rooted in historical forces that go
beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and
the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also
conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by
colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a
Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as
proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping
change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view
the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.

Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but
potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, and the
continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against
civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably
hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human
rights. All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.

So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will
empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote
conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people
achieve justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord
must end.

I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United
States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and
mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are
not exclusive and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap,
and share common principles — principles of justice and progress;
tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.

I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. I know
there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech
can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I
have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this
point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say
openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too
often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained
effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect
one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Quran tells us, "Be
conscious of God and speak always the truth." (Applause.) That is what
I will try to do today — to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by
the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share
as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us

Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a
Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes
generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia
and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of
dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found
dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.

As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam.
It was Islam — at places like Al-Azhar — that carried the light of
learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's
Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities
— (applause) — it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed
the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our
mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads
and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches
and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant
calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout
history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the
possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality. (Applause.)

I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story.
The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the
Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote,
"The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the
laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding,
American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in
our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil
rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our
universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel
Prizes, built our tallest building and lit the Olympic Torch. And when
the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the
oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Quran that one of
our Founding Fathers — Thomas Jefferson — kept in his personal library.

So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the
region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my
conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on
what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my
responsibility as President of the United States to fight against
negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. (Applause.)

But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America.
(Applause.) Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is
not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States
has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has
ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were
founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed
blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words —
within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every
culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple
concept: E pluribus unum — "Out of many, one."

Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with
the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected president. (Applause.)
But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for
all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise
exists for all who come to our shores — and that includes nearly 7
million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy
incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American
average. (Applause.)

Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to
practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state
in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That's why the
United States government has gone to court to protect the right of
women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny
it. (Applause.)

So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe
that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race,
religion or station in life, all of us share common aspirations — to
live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with
dignity; to love our families, our communities and our God. These
things we share. This is the hope of all humanity.

Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of
our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs
will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we
understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to
meet them will hurt us all.

For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial
system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a
new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation
pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all
nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains,
people are endangered across an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and
Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience.
(Applause.) That is what it means to share this world in the 21st
century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human

And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history
has often been a record of nations and tribes — and, yes, religions —
subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests. Yet in this
new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence,
any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over
another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must
not be prisoners to it. Our problems must be dealt with through
partnership; our progress must be shared. (Applause.)

Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed,
it suggests the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely. And so
in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about
some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.

The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.

In Ankara, I made clear that America is not — and never will be — at
war with Islam. (Applause.) We will, however, relentlessly confront
violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security — because we
reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of
innocent men, women and children. And it is my first duty as president
to protect the American people.

The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our
need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued
al-Qaida and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not
go by choice; we went because of necessity. I'm aware that there's
still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11. But
let us be clear: Al-Qaida killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The
victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many
other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet al-Qaida
chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack
and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale.
They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their
reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be
dealt with.

Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in
Afghanistan. We see no military — we seek no military bases there. It
is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly
and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly
bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that
there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan, and now Pakistan,
determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is
not yet the case.

And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries.
And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken.
Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed
in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths — but
more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are
irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations
and with Islam. The Holy Quran teaches that whoever kills an innocent
is as — it is as if he has killed all mankind. (Applause.) And the Holy
Quran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all
mankind. (Applause.) The enduring faith of over a billion people is so
much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the
problem in combating violent extremism — it is an important part of
promoting peace.

Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve
the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's why we plan to invest
$1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with
Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and
hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced. That's why we
are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their
economy and deliver services that people depend on.

Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was
a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and
around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are
ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also
believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use
diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems
whenever possible. (Applause.) Indeed, we can recall the words of
Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our
power, and teach us that the less we use our power, the greater it will

Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a
better future — and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. And I have made it clear
to the Iraqi people — (applause) — I have made it clear to the Iraqi
people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or
resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered the
removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will
honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to
remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of
our troops from Iraq by 2012. (Applause.) We will help Iraq train its
security forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure
and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.

And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by
extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles. Nine-eleven
was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it
provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act
contrary to our traditions and our ideals. We are taking concrete
actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of
torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at
Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year. (Applause.)

So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of
nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with
Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists
are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will
all be safer.

The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.

America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is
unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the
recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a
tragic history that cannot be denied.

Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries,
and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.
Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps
where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the
Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed — more than the entire Jewish
population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, it is
ignorant, and it is hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction — or
repeating vile stereotypes about Jews — is deeply wrong, and only
serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories
while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.

On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people
— Muslims and Christians — have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For
more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait
in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza and neighboring lands for a
life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They
endure the daily humiliations — large and small — that come with
occupation. So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian
people is intolerable. And America will not turn our backs on the
legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity and a state
of their own. (Applause.)

For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with
legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes
compromise elusive. It's easy to point fingers — for Palestinians to
point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for
Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its
history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this
conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the
truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be
met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in
peace and security. (Applause.)

That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's
interest and the world's interest. And that is why I intend to
personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication
that the task requires. (Applause.) The obligations — the obligations
that the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear. For peace
to come, it is time for them — and all of us — to live up to our

Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and
killing is wrong, and it does not succeed. For centuries, black people
in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation
of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights.
It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the
center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people
from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's
a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign
neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or
to blow up old women on a bus. That's not how moral authority is
claimed; that's how it is surrendered.

Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build.
The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with
institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have
support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they
have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian
aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to
violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.

At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's
right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United
States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.
(Applause.) This construction violates previous agreements and
undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements
to stop. (Applause.)

And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that
Palestinians can live and work and develop their society. Just as it
devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in
Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack
of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the
Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and
Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.

And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace
Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their
responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to
distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it
must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the
institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's
legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the

America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we
will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians
and Arabs. (Applause.) We cannot impose peace. But privately, many
Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis
recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on
what everyone knows to be true.

Too many tears have been shed. Too much blood has been shed. All of
us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of
Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear;
when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that
God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for
Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of
Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra —
(applause) — as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus and Mohammed,
peace be upon them, joined in prayer. (Applause.)

The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.

This issue has been a source of tension between the United States
and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined
itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a
tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the
United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically
elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has
played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S.
troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain
trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people
that my country is prepared to move forward. The question now is not
what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.

I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we
will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many
issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move
forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is
clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have
reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests.
It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could
lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.

I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that
others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nation
holds nuclear weapons. And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's
commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.
(Applause.) And any nation — including Iran — should have the right to
access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities
under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the
core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it.
And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this

The fourth issue that I will address is democracy. (Applause.)

I know — I know there has been controversy about the promotion of
democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to
the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: No system of government can or
should be imposed by one nation by any other.

That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that
reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this
principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people.
America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we
would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do
have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the
ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed;
confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice;
government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the
freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas; they
are human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere.

Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise. But this
much is clear: Governments that protect these rights are ultimately
more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in
making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and
law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree
with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments —
provided they govern with respect for all their people.

This last point is important because there are some who advocate for
democracy only when they're out of power; once in power, they are
ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. (Applause.) So no matter
where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a
single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your
power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of
minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise;
you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings
of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients,
elections alone do not make true democracy.

AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.)

The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.

Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history
of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as
a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an
overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People
in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based
upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul. This
tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being
challenged in many different ways.

Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's
own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith. The richness of
religious diversity must be upheld — whether it is for Maronites in
Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. (Applause.) And if we are being honest,
fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions
between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in

Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live
together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For
instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it
harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That's why
I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can
fulfill zakat.

Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding
Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit — for
instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We
can't disguise hostility toward any religion behind the pretence of

In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's why we're
forging service projects in America to bring together Christians,
Muslims and Jews. That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King
Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance
of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into
interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action — whether
it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural

The sixth issue — the sixth issue that I want to
address is women's rights. (Applause.) I know — I know — and you can
tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this
issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses
to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman
who is denied an education is denied equality. (Applause.) And it is no
coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more
likely to be prosperous.

Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means
simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia,
we've seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile,
the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American
life, and in countries around the world.

I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to
society as our sons. (Applause.) Our common prosperity will be advanced
by allowing all humanity — men and women — to reach their full
potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as
men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live
their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. And
that is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority
country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women
pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their
dreams. (Applause.)

Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.

I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory.
The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but
also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home. Trade can
bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and
change in communities. In all nations — including America — this change
can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we lose control over our
economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities —
those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our
traditions, and our faith.

But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not
be contradictions between development and tradition. Countries like
Japan and South Korea grew their economies enormously while maintaining
distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within
Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times
and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of
innovation and education.

And this is important because no development strategy can be based
only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while
young people are out of work. Many Gulf states have enjoyed great
wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on
broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and
innovation will be the currency of the 21st century — (applause) — and
in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these
areas. I'm emphasizing such investment within my own country. And while
America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to this
part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.

On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase
scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America.
(Applause.) At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study
in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with
internships in America; invest in online learning for teachers and
children around the world; and create a new online network, so a young
person in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in

On economic development, we will create a new corps of business
volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries.
And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how
we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social
entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the

On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support
technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help
transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs. We'll
open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and
Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on
programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs,
digitize records, clean water, grow new crops. Today I'm announcing a
new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to
eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim
communities to promote child and maternal health.

All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to
join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious
leaders and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help
our people pursue a better life.

The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we
have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we
seek — a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and
American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians
are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for
peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and
the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual
interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it

I know there are many — Muslim and non-Muslim — who question whether
we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of
division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it
isn't worth the effort — that we are fated to disagree, and
civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that
real change can occur. There's so much fear, so much mistrust that has
built up over the years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we
will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young
people of every faith, in every country — you, more than anyone, have
the ability to re-imagine the world, to remake this world.

All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The
question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart,
or whether we commit ourselves to an effort — a sustained effort — to
find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children,
and to respect the dignity of all human beings.

It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame
others than to look inward. It's easier to see what is different about
someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the
right path, not just the easy path. There's one rule that lies at the
heart of every religion — that we do unto others as we would have them
do unto us. (Applause.) This truth transcends nations and peoples — a
belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't
Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of
civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the
world. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here

We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the
courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.

The Holy Quran tells us: "O mankind! We have created you male and a
female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may
know one another."

The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."

The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." (Applause.)

The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now that must be our work here on Earth.

Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much. Thank you. (Applause.)

관리자 09-06-21 23:22
maverick님 좋은 자료 감사합니다.. 제가 youtube에서 찾아보니, 해당되는 동영상이
있어서 허락 없이 내용에 추가하였습니다.. 양해 부탁드리고, 앞으로도 좋은 활동
maverick 09-06-23 04:10
좋은 아이디어 입니다. 도움 주셔서 오히려 고맙습니다.
piloilo 09-06-26 09:00
maverick님 좋은자료 감사합니다. 잘 쓰겠습니다.
maverick 09-08-28 00:34
piloilo님께서 잘 쓰신다니 고맙습니다.


Total 44
번호 제   목 글쓴이 날짜 조회
44 영어 자료와 GRE자료 (1) 명언도사 10-01 22642
43 영작 부탁드립니다. 염정아 09-26 18636
42 좋은 영어 명언 사이트 명언도사 09-05 24155
41 시사 영어와 리스닝 공부를 할 수 있는 카페 !! [강추] (2) 미니미니 04-13 25056
40 스크린 영어 - 영화 영어 - 무료 DPark 08-31 28333
39 무료 영어 학습사이트 총정리! (1) 조인 11-14 31616
38 English is tough stuff piloilo 09-21 27238
37 vocabulary 를 쌓기위한 싸이트 (2) mish 09-10 18102
36 남극의 산타 / South Pole Santa piloilo 09-05 15574
35 Smiley Faces (1) piloilo 09-05 12341
34 아동용 록큰롤 Look It Up piloilo 06-30 18562
33 President Obama's Cairo University Speech on June 4, 20… (4) maverick 06-21 23942
32 중국인들의 영어광풍을 보시죠 piloilo 06-16 95578
31 Jeff_TOEIC - PART 5,6 CosmoWeave… 05-26 9814
30 Jeff_TOEIC Part5,6 (3) CosmoWeave… 05-25 10862
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